This report was published in Center for American Progress,
6 Communities That Trump’s Latest SNAP Proposal Would Hurt Most
By Donovan Hicks
Getty/John Moore
Brooklyn residents receive free food as part of a Christian outreach program,
December 2013, in the Brooklyn borough of New York City.
This column contains an update.

The Trump administration is on the verge of making an end run around
Congress, attempting to slash the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance
Program (SNAP) by fiat. Its latest effort is a proposed rule that is open for
public comment until April 10.* This rule would restrict SNAP eligibility by
limiting states’ flexibility to help jobless or underemployed workers in
struggling regions. By the administration’s own estimate, enacting this rule
would substantially increase hunger and hardship, stripping at least
755,000 Americans of food assistance—though other estimates suggest it
could be more than 1 million—and cut SNAP by $15 billion, slashing more
than 178,000 jobs over the coming decade. The administration’s most
recent attempt to cut SNAP comes on the heels of President Donald Trump’s
failed attempt to achieve similar SNAP cuts in the 2018 Farm Bill—cuts that
Congress rejected on a bipartisan basis.

This proposed rule is not just cruel; it is also bad policy. Making people
hungrier will not help them find work any faster; it will only kick
underemployed and unemployed workers when they are down. Most
working-age SNAP participants who are not receiving disability benefits are
working, but they are often in unstable jobs with volatile schedules and low
wages, making them especially likely to be affected by the rule. If Trump
were serious about promoting work, he would embrace policies such as
increasing the minimum wage and providing affordable, high-quality child
care, both of which are popular across party lines. By contrast, cutting
SNAP is deeply unpopular: Two-thirds of Americans oppose cuts to food
assistance. states.
President Trump’s latest attempt to slash SNAP would be harmful to Americans across the country, but certain communities face particular risks. This column
looks at six of the groups that Trump’s proposed rule would hit the hardest.

Rural communities
Given that 76 percent of rural adults report that good jobs are scarce in their area, rural communities will be among the hardest hit by Trump’s proposed rule,
as it would tie states’ hands and remove the flexibility they need to help residents of high-unemployment areas put food on the table. Indeed, while urban areas
experienced a net gain of 3.6 million jobs from 2007 to 2015, rural areas lost 400,000 jobs during that time, meaning that many rural areas have struggled to
recover from the Great Recession.

Moreover, rural populations already face additional barriers to work. For example, lack of access to broadband is impeding the growth of rural economies,
hampering total employment growth and the opening of new businesses. Additionally, rural economies have less industrial diversity than urban areas, and in
some communities in particular, the departure of a central employer has led to tremendous job loss. Given these challenges, states need more flexibility, not
less, in order to decide how best to protect and invest in rural areas, as the administration’s economic policies have not decreased the widening urban and
rural divide.

Black and Latinx Americans
Black and Hispanic households are especially likely to be food insecure and thus disproportionately rely on SNAP to help them meet basic needs, accounting
for about 30 percent and nearly 20 percent of SNAP benefits in 2016, respectively. This is due in large part to the systemic barriers that African Americans and
Latinx Americans face to building wealth, purchasing homes, accessing education, and escaping poverty. Poverty rates in these communities are more than
double those of white Americans, and the black unemployment rate is still more than twice that of white workers. In 2016, black Americans’ median wealth
was only $13,460, compared with $142,180 for white Americans.

Meanwhile, even with labor force participation rates similar to those of white workers, Center for American Progress analysis finds that Latinx Americans face
higher unemployment rates and more employment volatility. What’s more, Latinx individuals still earn lower hourly wages; face discrimination from lenders
that results in costlier debt; hold one-sixth of the amount of wealth that whites do; and have lower retirement incomes. Making these communities hungrier and
reducing their economic security will only exacerbate current inequities.

People with disabilities
The proposed rule purports to apply only to “able-bodied adults without dependents.” But many of the more than 11 million people with disabilities who receive
SNAP assistance could lose that assistance under the rule, as people who face limited work capacity due to disability or poor health are regularly
misclassified as “able-bodied” for the purposes of SNAP. In fact, based on analysis by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, the author estimates that
roughly 12 percent of SNAP recipients ages 18 to 59 have at least one physical, functional, or work limitation but are not counted as disabled under SNAP.
Under current law, people with disabilities and chronic illnesses already frequently lose food assistance in error. In 2013, a study by the Ohio Association of
Food Banks found that when the state reimposed time limits—the same limits, in fact, that Trump’s rule proposes to make even harsher—1 in 3 of the state’s
SNAP enrollees who were defined as “able bodied” had a medical or physical impairment. Moreover, Trump’s rule would compound the already significant
barriers to work that many people with disabilities face, including a lack of long-term health services and supports, poor workplace accommodations,
discrimination, and more.

Disabled workers are much more likely to live at or near the federal poverty threshold, experiencing nearly double the poverty rate of nondisabled workers.
Nearly 32 percent of adults ages 25 to 64 with disabilities participate in the labor force; they are three times more likely to be unemployed than their
nondisabled counterparts. Among people with disabilities who do work, about 31 percent work part-time jobs—nearly twice the rate of their nondisabled
counterparts. Notably, part-time jobs often feature inadequate benefits and low wages. Trump’s proposed rule would make it harder for people with disabilities
to work by increasing their food insecurity. It could also lead to additional health concerns due to malnutrition.
People with criminal records

The proposed rule particularly harms people who come into contact with the criminal justice system. Nearly 9 in 10 employers use criminal background
checks in hiring; this means that even an old, minor criminal record can serve as a life sentence to poverty and joblessness. As a result, the unemployment
rate among formerly incarcerated individuals is approximately 27 percent. What’s more, one study shows that 60 percent of formerly incarcerated individuals
remain unemployed one year following their release.

By helping people put food on the table while they get back on their feet, SNAP is a powerful tool for supporting re-entry and preventing recidivism. In fact, one
study shows that when formerly incarcerated people are subjected to harsher SNAP requirements, compounded by the substantial barriers that they already
face, recidivism rates increase. Taking SNAP away from workers as they struggle to rebuild their lives and re-enter the labor market would thus directly
undercut the bipartisan gains that the president and Congress supported in the FIRST STEP Act.

LGBTQ people
Trump’s proposed rule would also be particularly burdensome for the LGBTQ community. According to a 2017 nationally representative CAP survey, LGBTQ
people are more than twice as likely as non-LGBTQ people to receive SNAP benefits, with 26 percent of LGBTQ women and 18 percent of LGBTQ men reporting
that they or their families received SNAP. The disproportionate receipt of benefits is just one reason that this rule would be particularly burdensome for the
LGBTQ community; the rule would also especially harm LGBTQ workers because they are especially likely to face labor market barriers that make it more
difficult for them to find employment. For example, according to another nationally representative survey, at least 1 in 5 LGBTQ people has experienced
discrimination in hiring, pay, and promotions. And according to the largest nationwide survey of transgender people, 16 percent of transgender workers report
having lost their job because of discrimination due to their gender identity.

Women make up two-thirds of the low-wage workforce, making them especially likely to face the unstable schedules that would be punished by the Trump
proposal’s punitive time limits. In addition to the challenges of low-wage work, women are disproportionately likely to be caregivers, including caring for
people who may not be considered “dependents” under Trump’s proposed SNAP rule. For example, women are nearly 1.4 times more likely than men to
provide unpaid care and help to people who live outside of their home. While women struggle to manage the challenges of unstable low-wage work and
caregiving, they are also more likely to face workplace discrimination than men. For example, nearly 36 percent of women who filed sexual harassment
charges from 2012 to 2016 claimed that they faced retaliation as a result, such as their employers forcing them out of their jobs or reducing their hours.
Therefore, women who face discrimination may be more likely to be subject to the proposed rule.

Providing food assistance that averages just $1.40 per person per meal, SNAP is a modest benefit, with nearly half of participants running out of benefits
before the end of the month. If anything, policymakers should be debating how much to increase SNAP benefits, given that there’s no room for cuts. What’s
more, Trump’s tax law gave more in tax breaks to the top 1 percent than SNAP costs in its entirety. And if the Trump administration is looking for strategies to
achieve savings in SNAP while actually helping workers, it need look no further than raising the federal minimum wage. Raising the federal minimum wage to
$12—not even the $15 proposed in the Raise the Wage Act—would save $53 billion over the next 10 years, nearly four times as much as the proposed rule, by
ensuring that workers earn more so that they are better able to afford food, instead of punishing labor market struggles with hunger.

Donovan Hicks is a research associate with the Poverty to Prosperity Program at the Center for American Progress.

Author’s note: While “Hispanic” and “Latinx” are frequently used interchangeably, this column uses “Latinx” wherever possible to refer to the population of
interest. “Hispanic” is only used in instances where the underlying data source referenced uses the term instead of “Latinx.”

By slashing benefits, Trump’s proposal will ensure increased hunger and insecurity without raising anyone’s wages or creating a single job. But people still
have time to speak out against the rule by submitting comments by April 10.

* Update, April 4, 2019:  This column has been updated to reflect that due to the federal government’s website difficulties, will be collecting
comments until April 10.